By Blaine Harden
After twenty years, Washington Post journalist Blaine Harden lower back to his small-town birthplace within the Pacific Northwest to stick with the increase and fall of the West’s such a lot completely conquered river. To discover the Columbia River and befriend those that collaborated in its destruction, he traveled on a large freight barge crusing west from Idaho to the Grand Coulee Dam, the location of the river’s harnessing for the sake of jobs, electrical energy, and irrigation. A River Lost is a searing own narrative of rediscovery joined with a story of exploitation: of local americans, of endangered salmon, of nuclear waste, and of a once-wild river. up to date all through, this version contains a new foreword and afterword.
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Additional info for A River Lost: The Life and Death of the Columbia
Displaying a tendency to divide into component parts. I would then follow by characterizing the model of the musical universe as seen through the eyes of Euro-American ethnomusicologists as an analytical model of music. One of the most significant diagnostic features of this model is that it is presumed that all music is a cultural phenomenon which should be analyzed and described in purely cultural terms. One of my objectives is to demonstrate that it is more often the nature of the model < previous page page_44 next page > < previous page page_45 next page > Page 45 rather than the competency of the native that renders cross-cultural interpretations of musical behavior difficult.
Of course there are other terms such as witunsni* 'bearer of falsehoods' mentioned earlier, but this is rightly a sacred term not understood by common people. It should be emphasized that despite the sacred nature of sicun, wasicun should be regarded as a common term. A number of stories have circulated widely on the Lakota reservations that explain the origin of wasicun differently (for example, wasin* < previous page page_38 next page > < previous page page_39 next page > Page 39 icu 'person who steals bacon'), but all of them are specious.
Thus all buffalo, for example, are called in sacred language pte oyate 'buffalo nation'. Here, the term for buffalo cow becomes the generic marker for all buffalo, in part, a linguistic means for underscoring the particular relationship between Lakota women of child-bearing age and the buffalo as the prime source of nurture in the old days (M. Powers 1980, Powers 1977). Let a few other examples of metaphor suffice. A certain artifact called cangleska * wakan 'sacred hoop' refers to many representations of a circle inscribed by a cross.