By The Washington Post
The aftermath used to be virtually as devastating because the typhoon itself. within the ten years for the reason that typhoon Katrina hit the Gulf Coast, New Orleans has replaced enormously, and The Washington publish returns to the sector to take the entire degree of the city's lengthy, , inspiring, unfinished comeback.
When storm Katrina hit the Gulf Coast on Aug. 29, 2005, it wrenched greater than one million humans from their houses and perpetually altered New Orleans—one of the country's cultural capitals. It reordered the city's economic system and inhabitants in ways in which are nonetheless being felt at the present time. What replaced? And what used to be misplaced within the intervening decade?
Dozens of Washington put up writers and photographers descended on New Orleans whilst Katrina hit, and plenty of of these comparable newshounds went again for the anniversary. What they discovered was once a thriving urban, buttressed by way of a brand new $14.5 billion complicated of sea partitions, levees, pump stations and outfall canals. What they heard used to be that, whereas a few mourn the lack of the hot Orleans' soul and authenticity, others—who observed a determined desire for development even prior to the storm—welcome the rebuilding of recent Orleans into America's most modern tech hub.
This insightful, elegiac booklet, then, is either a from side to side examine New Orleans' comeback, choked with the voices of these who have been driven through Katrina's winds in instructions they by no means imagined.
"The urban, on stability, is much better off than sooner than Katrina," says Jason Berry, a prolific New Orleans writer.
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Additional info for After the Storm: Katrina Ten Years Later
The violence was likened to a tidal wave that engulfed Sikh and Hindu ‘minorities’ scattered in the rural areas of Rawalpindi and Multan divisions. A British general wrote of the fierceness of the attacks and the rapidity with which they spread from the cities to the countryside. In the cities of Rawalpindi and Multan, ‘attacks were fiercer, more sudden, and more savage than ever. In the rural areas attacks were launched by large mobs of Muslim peasants who banded together from several hamlets and villages to destroy and loot Sikh and Hindu shops and houses in their area.
P. 155. Muslim League activists made the same sort of argument during their election campaign in Sind: haris (farm labourers) and mazdoors (workers) would get their fair share in Pakistan and their children would be assured of education. Sherwani, Pakistan Resolution, pp. 23–4. Cf. David Gilmartin, ‘Religious Leadership and the Pakistan Movement in the Punjab’, Modern Asian Studies, 13, 3 (1979). See Syeda Saiyidain Hameed, Islamic Seal on India’s Independence. Abul Kalam Azad – a Fresh Look (Karachi, 1998), p.
To be a true Muslim in India at this time was to be prepared to lay down one’s life for Pakistan. 23 Indeed, as the struggle for Pakistan reached its high point and the lines came to be drawn more and more sharply between ‘us’ and ‘them’, the wrath of God was called down upon all those who stood in the way of the achievement of Pakistan. It was ‘traitors’ within the community who became the targets of the most virulent and continuous attacks. ‘Mahatma’ Gandhi was a ‘celestial quack’, ‘Pandit’ Nehru a ‘hypocrite’, ‘Sardar’ Patel a Hindu Mahasabhite, but it was Abul Kalam Azad, long-term president of the Congress (until mid-1946), renowned for his Islamic learning, so-called ‘Maulana’ Azad – in reality, as League propagandists had it, no ‘Maulana’ at all – ‘renegade’ Azad who was guiltiest of all.