By Özgür Mutlu Ulus
In Nineteen Sixties Turkey, the militia and the unconventional leftist move supplied very dynamic, yet very assorted, political forces. even though, a bit of unusually, the vast majority of radical leftists believed within the progressive capability of the military in overthrowing the present regime and exchanging it with a quasi-socialist one. This ebook considers the altering views of the unconventional leftist move in the direction of the political function of the army in Turkey. utilizing a textual research of alternative leftist teams, together with the Communist social gathering of Turkey, Özgür Mutlu Ulus describes the advance of the leftist stream in Turkey after the 1960 coup and explains why such a lot leftists selected to motivate an army revolution, which they was hoping might result in the triumph of socialism in Turkey.
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Additional info for The Army and the Radical Left in Turkey: Military Coups, Socialist Revolution and Kemalism
Yön opposed the pardoning, and printed provocative essays as well as photos of marching students and young cadets with the slogans ‘no pardon to the murderers’ and ‘army–youth together’, reminding the coalition of opposition by youth, the educated middle class and the army to the DP before the military intervention in 1960. As was revealed later, several juntas were being established within the army, one of which was under the leadership of Colonel Aydemir. 69 The release of the imprisoned ex-President Celal Bayar in March 1963 and his welcoming in Ankara by huge crowds triggered Colonel Aydemir, and his junta intervened unsuccessfully for the second time on 21 May.
Yön blamed the military-civil intelligentsia, however, for their incorrect political and economic policies. The Tanzimat modernists and İT leaders and even the Kemalist cadre suppressed the people, led them into wars, and even brought imperialist powers to the homeland. Moreover, the Kemalist regime was accused of alienation of the masses, not initiating changes to favour them and continuing state repression in the meantime. As a result, of all these people identified modernist powers with repression by gendarmes and tax collectors.
They did not think that the socialist TİP now having the chance of being represented in parliament for the first time ever with fifteen members and with 3 per cent of the votes meant very much. The results of the election were the turning point for Yön as the strategy favouring a military intervention to bypass the capitalism stage was settled. This led to one of the two founders of the movement, Mümtaz Soysal, separating from the Yön movement. Two critical and completely contradictory essays were published in the first issue of Yön after the election, one written by Mümtaz Soysal and the other by the editor, Doğan Avcıoğlu.